Mentionez ca ordinea in care prezint extrasele e aceeasi ca si in textul lui Bourdieu si ca ea nu este intamplatoare sau accidentala.
1. "Every opinion survey assumes that everyone can have an opinion; in other words, that producing an opinion is something available to all. At the risk of offending a naïvely democratic sentiment. I would contest this first premise. Secondly: it is assumed that all opinions are of equal value. I think it can be shown that this is untrue and that the cumulation of opinions that do not all have the same strength leads to the production of meaningless artefacts. The third implicit postulate is this: putting the same question to everyone assumes that there is a consensus on what the problems are, in other words that there is agreement on the questions that are worth asking."
2. "[...] it would be interesting to enquire into the social conditions of the appearance of these biases. Most of the time they result from the conditions in which the people who design the questionnaires have to work; but they are often due to the fact that the problems defined by the opinion poll institutes are subordinated to a particular type of demand. For example, when we undertook to analyse a major national survey on what the French thought of their education system, we examined all the questions asked about education in the archives of a number of polling agencies. We found that more than two hundred questions had been asked about education since May 1968, as against only twenty or so between 1960 and 1968. This means that the problem areas that present themselves to a polling organization are closely linked to the political climate of the day and dominated by a particular type of social demand. The question of education, for example, cannot be raised by a polling institute until it becomes a political problem. One immediately sees the differences between these institutions and academic research centres, which generate their problematics, perhaps not in an unclouded sky, but at least with much greater distance from social demand in its direct and immediate form. A rapid statistical analysis of the questions asked showed that the great majority of them were directly linked to the political preoccupations of professional politicians. If we were to play a parlour game this evening and I were to ask you to write down the five questions that you thought most urgent as regards education, we would certainly arrive at a list very different from the one we derived from noting the questions actually asked by the pollsters. The question (or variants of it) 'Should politics be brought into schools?' was very often asked, whereas the question 'Should curricula be changed?' or 'Should teaching methods be changed?' was asked only rarely. The same with 'Do teachers need retraining?' All of these are important questions, from another point of view at least. "
3. "We know that every exercise of power is accompanied by a discourse aimed at legitimizing the power of the group that exercises it; we can even say that it is characteristic of every power relation that it takes on its full force only in so far as it disguises the fact that it is a power relation. In a word, the politician is someone who says 'God is on our side'. The modern equivalent of 'God is on our side' is 'Public opinion is on our side'. That is the fundamental effect of the opinion poll: it creates the idea that there is such a thing as a unanimous public opinion, and so legitimizes a policy and strengthens the power relations that underlie it or make it possible."
4. "Imagine a group of questions like the following: 'Are you in favour of sexual equality?', 'Are you in favour of the sexual independence of married couples?', 'Are you in favour of non-repressive education?', 'Do you believe in the new society?' 1 Now imagine another type of question, like: 'Should teachers go on strike when their jobs are threatened?', 'Should teachers act in solidarity with other civil service employees during periods of social conflict?' These two groups of questions receive replies structured inversely in relation to social class. The first group of questions, which deal with a certain kind of change in social relations, in the symbolic form of social relations, provokes responses which are increasingly favourable as one ascends the social hierarchy and the hierarchy by level of education; inversely, the questions which deal with real transformation of the power relations between classes provoke increasingly unfavourable answers as one ascends the social hierarchy."
2. "[...] it would be interesting to enquire into the social conditions of the appearance of these biases. Most of the time they result from the conditions in which the people who design the questionnaires have to work; but they are often due to the fact that the problems defined by the opinion poll institutes are subordinated to a particular type of demand. For example, when we undertook to analyse a major national survey on what the French thought of their education system, we examined all the questions asked about education in the archives of a number of polling agencies. We found that more than two hundred questions had been asked about education since May 1968, as against only twenty or so between 1960 and 1968. This means that the problem areas that present themselves to a polling organization are closely linked to the political climate of the day and dominated by a particular type of social demand. The question of education, for example, cannot be raised by a polling institute until it becomes a political problem. One immediately sees the differences between these institutions and academic research centres, which generate their problematics, perhaps not in an unclouded sky, but at least with much greater distance from social demand in its direct and immediate form. A rapid statistical analysis of the questions asked showed that the great majority of them were directly linked to the political preoccupations of professional politicians. If we were to play a parlour game this evening and I were to ask you to write down the five questions that you thought most urgent as regards education, we would certainly arrive at a list very different from the one we derived from noting the questions actually asked by the pollsters. The question (or variants of it) 'Should politics be brought into schools?' was very often asked, whereas the question 'Should curricula be changed?' or 'Should teaching methods be changed?' was asked only rarely. The same with 'Do teachers need retraining?' All of these are important questions, from another point of view at least. "
3. "We know that every exercise of power is accompanied by a discourse aimed at legitimizing the power of the group that exercises it; we can even say that it is characteristic of every power relation that it takes on its full force only in so far as it disguises the fact that it is a power relation. In a word, the politician is someone who says 'God is on our side'. The modern equivalent of 'God is on our side' is 'Public opinion is on our side'. That is the fundamental effect of the opinion poll: it creates the idea that there is such a thing as a unanimous public opinion, and so legitimizes a policy and strengthens the power relations that underlie it or make it possible."
4. "Imagine a group of questions like the following: 'Are you in favour of sexual equality?', 'Are you in favour of the sexual independence of married couples?', 'Are you in favour of non-repressive education?', 'Do you believe in the new society?' 1 Now imagine another type of question, like: 'Should teachers go on strike when their jobs are threatened?', 'Should teachers act in solidarity with other civil service employees during periods of social conflict?' These two groups of questions receive replies structured inversely in relation to social class. The first group of questions, which deal with a certain kind of change in social relations, in the symbolic form of social relations, provokes responses which are increasingly favourable as one ascends the social hierarchy and the hierarchy by level of education; inversely, the questions which deal with real transformation of the power relations between classes provoke increasingly unfavourable answers as one ascends the social hierarchy."
va continua ...
Postări
